Iran's Power Struggle: Two important Ayatollahs vs Ahmadinejad

Iran's Power Struggle: Two important Ayatollahs vs Ahmadinejad

Posted in Iran | 23-Jul-09 | Author: Sabrina Schmitt

Ayatollah Hashemi-Rafsanjani-the two-time former president of Iran who heads both the top political arbitration body, the Expediency Council, and the clerical body, the Assembly of Experts -delivered a sermon July 17, 2009 at the Tehran University and talked about "restoring trust" and called for a dialog between opposition and the regime, while thousands of protesters were chanting "estefa" (=resign) outside. Even though Rafsanjani's sermon did not explicitly challenge Ahmadinejad's regime, his critique could be shaking the clerical pillars that the current regime is based on.

Since Ahmadinejad's historic electoral fraud at the beginning of June, the Iranian nation has not calmed down. While protests were still sweeping the streets of Tehran last week, opposition supporters and their leader Moussavi were gathering outside the Friday prayer at Tehran University to attend Ayatollah Rafsanjani's long-awaited sermon. Speaking at a prayer service that is traditionally used as a showcase for the regime, a heavily protected Rafsanjani talked about "restoring trust" and called for a dialog between opposition and the regime, while thousands of protesters were chanting "estefa" (=resign) outside. Even though Rafsanjani's sermon did not explicitly challenge Ahmadinejad's regime, his critique could be shaking the clerical pillars that the current regime is based on.

With the pressure of national democratic movements and the international community increasing, Ahmadinejad's political legitimisation has been heavily relying on his religious leaders and the theocratic structure of the Iranian republic. Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader and highest power in Iran, was one of the first national figures to confirm the results of the presidential election and one of the first clerics that threw his political and religious weight behind Ahmadinejad. With him and the Guardian Council, which soon ruled out an annulment of the election, Ahmadinejad had the most important clerical and political forces gathered behind him and strengthened his presidency within the republic, even though the civil movement against his regime gained power every day.

In the past week, a month after the election, two major clerical figures have directly or indirectly challenged the legitimacy of Ahmadinejad's presidency and his supporter Khamenei. Just a couple of days before Rafsanjani delivered his sermon, one of the most senior Shiite clerics, Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri, publicly questioned the legitimization of the current Iranian government in a Fatwa published on an Iranian website. In his Fatwa, an opinion concerning Islamic law that can be legally binding, Montazeri declares Ahmadinejad's presidency illegitimate and dismisses a regime "that is based on force, oppression, [and] changing people's votes [...]" as not religiously or legally valid. Referring to the "Stalinist regime and medieval torture", Montazeri's Fatwa declares the government's violent outbursts on protesters and Ahamdinejad's electoral fraud as religiously unjust and challenges the clerical superstructure of the Iranian government, while calling on the Iranian people to resist. This is not the first time that the 87-year-old Ayatollah, who was once supposed to replace Khomeini, has openly criticised the Iranian clerics. But other than in 1989, when he was jailed for opposing mass executions, his recent Fatwa could, similar to Ayatollah Rafsanjani's sermon, have a serious impact on the current political situation in Iran.

With multiple national and international Internet sources publishing Montazeri's Fatwa, regime opponents inside and outside Iran perceive his Fatwa as the momentum of the Iranian democratic movement. While various Internet blogs are used by exile Iranians to express their hope for a democratic and Islamic Iran, Monatzeri's Fatwa could inspire a political movement that is based on Islamic beliefs and democratic values.

His critique could also affect the religious establishment in the holy city of Qom, especially Khamenei, who has been notoriously supportive of Ahamdinejad's system and is responsible for delineation and supervision of general Iranian policies. Reformist Islamic scholars hope that Montazeri's critique will shift religious debates within the clerical circle towards a more open theological debate that can incorporate new approaches and is less hostile to democratic influences.

In addition, Montazeri's assessment could hold chances for the international community and their effort to start a dialog with Iran, not only in regards to its nuclear weapon program. Although the publication of Montazeri's Fatwa went considerably unnoticed among Western media, various politicians and public figures have emphasised its importance in the development of a modern and Islamically based Iranian nation. Angelika Beer, former member of the European Parliament, refers to the Fatwa in her latest newsletter, stating that it gives "a glimpse of hope" that the Iranian clerics will not approve Ahmadinejad's actions in the longer term and might open up for a dialogue with the Western world.

But is Montazeri's Fatwa another important piece in the puzzle that leads to a new reformed Iran, or is it only a minor setback for Ahmadinejad's regime? We spoke to Dr. Reza Molavi, executive director of the prestigious Centre of Iranian Studies in Durham, about the chances for a democratic Iran, the role of the Western world and the changing role of the clerics in a theocratic nation.

Ayatollah Montazeri publicly questioned the legitimization of the current Iranian government.

WSN: "Various microbloggers talk about the impact of Montazeri's Fatwa on the Iranian clerics. In what way will the religious superstructure in Iran change in the future?

Dr. Reza Molavi: "Fatwas like the one issued by Montazeri and sermons like Ayatollah Rafsanjani's have, together with the civil movement, shaken the main pillar on which the Iranian republic stands. The cleric and Ahmadinejad both want to preserve the Islamic Republic and none of the hardliner clerics wants Ahmadinejad to leave, as they would lose all their political power. With his Fatwa, that states that the idea of a superior spiritual leader that has political power is not in conformity with Islam, Montazeri joins other clerics such as Ayatollah Ali Sistani and strengthens the reformist leg of the Iranian clerics. It shows that there is a movement within the clerical establishment that understands religion as going beyond and being independent from politics and that advocates for a secular state in which one clerical elite that bundles all political power would be unnecessary.

WSN: "Montazeri calls in his Fatwa for the resistance of the Iranian nation. Do you think the civil movement will facilitate change in Iran?

Dr. Reza Molavi: "The genie is out of the bottle now and Montazeri's Fatwa certainly gives hope for a change in Iran.

The Iranian people do now stand united and neither the religious machinery nor the military can fight the movement down. However, the protesters shouldn't hide behind the mask of vote-rigging but articulate what they want. In 1979, when the Shah regime was overthrown, we were all united in knowing what we don't want, but no one set up a political agenda of change. I see that history is repeating itself with the current protests. As long as the Iranian people are not addressing the real root of the cause, the depressing economic situation and the theocratic regime for example, and stop hiding behind the mask of the electoral fraud, the changes will only be minor. The problem is deeper, Iran has major national problems such as unemployment and drugs and this is what people are concerned about.

WSN: "Western politicians like Angelika Beer, former member of the European Parliament, consider Montazeri's Fatwa as a step in the right direction. Can we expect Ahmadinejad to take a new approach to Iran's international relations in light of the current situation?

Dr. Reza Molavi: "If they do not open up to the Western world, the whole system will erupt and be washed away. They are desperate for resources like oil and gas, and have to privatise more and more parts of their public sector. Sooner or later the Iranian nation has to decide if they want to rely on Russian or Chinese technology or if they want to benefit from Western technology that is not accessible at the moment. The prosperity of Iran will be dependent on their ability to incorporate Western technology in their economy in the future and this is only possible within bilateral treaties that are not restrained by sanctions.

Dr. Reza Molavi from the Centre of Iranian Studies in Durham: "Fatwas like the one issued by Montazeri and sermons like Ayatollah Rafsanjani's have, together with the civil movement, shaken the main pillar on which the Iranian republic stands. The cleric and Ahmadinejad both want to preserve the Islamic Republic. The genie is out of the bottle now and Montazeri's Fatwa certainly gives hope for a change in Iran. The Iranian people do now stand united and neither the religious machinery nor the military can fight the movement down. The West should definitely not interfere with Iran's internal affairs, as this would only fuel the concept of the Western enemy that has been a major pillar of Ahmadinejads regime in the last years."

Of course the Iranians want to use nuclear power for civil purposes and as numerous visits of the IAEA couldn't find any trace of nuclear weapons, we should acknowledge the legitimacy of their need. No matter who is holding presidency the people of Iran will always believe in their right to use nuclear power for civil purposes.

WSN: "The G8 will consider sanctions against in Iran in their forthcoming summit in September. Which political role can the Western world play in the future?

Dr. Reza Molavi: "There are some things the Western world could do and some things that would be counterproductive. The West should definitely not interfere with Iran's internal affairs, as this would only fuel the concept of the Western enemy that has been a major pillar of Ahmadinejads regime in the last years. A violent coup d' etat against Ahmadinejad, similar to Mossadeq's removal in 1953, will be equally counterproductive and would destroy any political infrastructure. Regardless of Ahmadinejad's presidency, the Western world should engage on every front with putting their finger on human rights issues and discussing contractually binding formulas for reciprocal issues rather than focusing on the political elimination of Ahmadinejad."

Interesting links

http://tehranbureau.com/grand-ayatollah-montazeris-fatwa/
http://www.americanthinker.com/blog/2009/07/iranian_ayatollah_montazeri_is.html
http://www.dur.ac.uk/iranian.studies/

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